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In-Depth Analysis· UN Security Council Resolution 186 Cyprus government

UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964): Who Is 'the Government of Cyprus', and Why Does Ankara Object?

What UN Security Council Resolution 186 says about the Cyprus government, how it was read in 1964, and why Ankara argues it entrenched a status asymmetry.

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Why It Matters

UN Security Council Resolution 186 of 4 March 1964 created the UN peacekeeping force in Cyprus and referred to 'the Government of Cyprus' as the authority responsible for law and order. Over six decades that phrase came to be read as recognition of the Greek Cypriot administration as the sole government of the whole island, even though the 1960 state was founded on a partnership of two communities. Ankara argues that this reading entrenched a status asymmetry that still shapes the Cyprus talks, EU membership and the debate over federation versus two states.

Background

The 1959–1960 settlement

The Zurich and London Agreements of 11 February 1959 produced the Republic of Cyprus, which came into being in 1960. Its constitution was a power-sharing arrangement between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities:

  • a Greek Cypriot President and a Turkish Cypriot Vice-President, each elected by their own community, with separate veto rights over certain matters;
  • a 7:3 ratio of Greek and Turkish Cypriot ministers, and a 70:30 ratio in the House of Representatives;
  • Article 182, which declared the 'basic articles' of the constitution unamendable.

The Treaty of Guarantee, signed by Cyprus, Greece, Türkiye and the United Kingdom, bound Cyprus to maintain its independence and territorial integrity and to refrain from union with any other state or partition. It also made Türkiye, Greece and the UK guarantor powers of 'the state of affairs' established by the basic articles. Article IV provides for consultation and, failing concerted action, for each guarantor to reserve the right to act with the sole aim of re-establishing that state of affairs.

The December 1963 crisis

On 30 November 1963 President Makarios proposed 13 constitutional amendments, including curbs on the Vice-President's veto. The Turkish Cypriot leadership and Ankara rejected them. On 21 December 1963 fighting broke out in Nicosia ('Bloody Christmas' in Turkish Cypriot and Turkish accounts). By 30 December a ceasefire line, later called the Green Line, separated parts of the capital.

Turkish and Turkish Cypriot sources say that about 30,000 Turkish Cypriots were displaced from 103 villages and that Turkish Cypriot ministers and officials were excluded from state organs. They cite the so-called Akritas Plan, a document attributed to Greek Cypriot nationalist circles and first published in the Greek Cypriot newspaper Patris in 1966, as evidence of planning. Greek Cypriot officials have generally contested how the plan is characterized and have attributed the crisis to Turkish Cypriot refusal to accept the amendments and to resistance in the enclaves. Both accounts agree that the 1960 joint government ceased to function as designed.

The path to Resolution 186

In the first weeks of 1964 a London conference of the guarantor powers and the two communities failed. In mid-February the Cypriot government, represented at the UN by its Greek Cypriot delegation, brought the matter to the Security Council. Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriot side argued before the Council that this delegation no longer spoke for the whole Republic.

On 4 March 1964 the Council adopted Resolution 186. Its main provisions were:

  1. It called on all member states to refrain from action or threats likely to worsen the situation.
  2. It asked 'the Government of Cyprus, which has the responsibility for the maintenance and restoration of law and order', to take measures to stop violence and bloodshed.
  3. It called on the communities and their leaders to act with the utmost restraint.
  4. It recommended a UN peacekeeping force, to be established 'with the consent of the Government of Cyprus', to prevent a recurrence of fighting and help restore normal conditions, together with a UN mediator.

The resolution is a recommendation in the style of Chapter VI of the UN Charter and not a Chapter VII enforcement decision. UNFICYP began operating on 27 March 1964. Its mandate was renewed repeatedly and remains in place today.

Key Players & Positions

The United Nations

The UN has consistently treated the Republic of Cyprus as a member state, admitted in 1960, and has dealt with its government on host-state matters such as consent for UNFICYP. At the same time, successive Council resolutions since 1990 (for example 649 and 716) describe the settlement goal as a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation with political equality. Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) declared the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) declaration legally invalid. The UN's own texts therefore combine recognition of the Republic of Cyprus as the state with a settlement framework that rests on the equality of the two communities.

The Greek Cypriot administration

The Greek Cypriot side argues that Resolution 186 simply confirmed the continuity of the Republic of Cyprus, the sole internationally recognized state on the island, and its consent-based relationship with the UN. It points to the 'law of necessity' doctrine applied by Cypriot courts in 1964, under which the state kept functioning after Turkish Cypriot officials withdrew or were excluded. It holds that the Turkish Cypriots' absence reflected their own choices and that the 1960 state was never dissolved.

The United Kingdom

As a guarantor power and former colonial ruler, the UK deals with the Republic of Cyprus as the government of a Commonwealth and EU-era partner state. London also retains sovereign base areas on the island under the 1960 Treaty of Establishment. Its stated policy supports a settlement based on the UN framework of bi-communal, bi-zonal federation and political equality, and it has not endorsed the two-state approach.

Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriots

Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership maintain that after December 1963 the Greek Cypriot administration governed without the Turkish Cypriot co-founders. They argue that Resolution 186 nonetheless treated it as the government of the whole Republic.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

  • Resolution 186 institutionalized a status asymmetry. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry's published Cyprus background, the Council addressed an administration that had displaced the Turkish Cypriot partners by force and treated it as 'the Government of Cyprus'. Ankara argues that this disregarded the 1960 constitutional design, in which no government could lawfully act without Turkish Cypriot participation, and that it removed the incentive for the Greek Cypriot side to share power.
  • The legal basis is the 1960 constitutional partnership and the Treaty of Guarantee. Ankara points to Article I of the Treaty of Guarantee, which protects the state of affairs created by the basic articles, to Article 182 of the constitution, and to Article IV, which preserves guarantor rights of action. Its position is that the state founded in 1960 was a partnership of two communities, and that the Council did not examine whether a body made up of one community could act as its government. The Council also acted on the basis of consent and recommendation under Chapter VI, not through a determination on legitimacy.
  • The resolution's wording shaped later diplomacy. Turkish officials, including in statements by the Presidency and in Türkiye's addresses at the UN, argue that the 1964 reading fed into later practice: negotiating tables where Turkish Cypriots were presented as a 'community' and not as a co-founding people, and the 1 May 2004 EU accession of the Greek Cypriot administration alone.
  • The 2004 referendums confirmed the asymmetry. On 24 April 2004, 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted for the Annan Plan and 75.83% of Greek Cypriots voted against, yet only the Greek Cypriot-led administration joined the EU a week later. Ankara cites this sequence, together with the failed Crans-Montana conference of July 2017, the April 2021 Geneva 5+UN meeting and the 15 October 2024 New York UN meeting, as evidence that the federation model is exhausted.
  • Settlement must start from sovereign equality. The Turkish Foreign Ministry and the TRNC state that any realistic outcome must begin with recognition of the Turkish Cypriot people's inherent sovereign equality and equal international status, leading to two states coexisting on the island. For this analysis, see the Desk's comparison of federation and two-state options.

Note that Ankara's position departs from the wording of the UN's own settlement resolutions, which refer to federation. The Turkish argument is that those resolutions grew out of the 1964 asymmetry and that the model has now run its course after more than fifty years of talks.

Source Comparison

Question UN and Western reference sources Greek Cypriot official sources Turkish and TRNC official sources
What does Resolution 186 do? Authorizes a consent-based peacekeeping force and mediator; asks the 'Government of Cyprus' to restore order Confirms the continuing Republic of Cyprus as the lawful government Treats an administration without Turkish Cypriots as the government of the whole Republic
Did the Council rule on legitimacy? No explicit finding; implicit continuity of UN membership Yes, in effect, through recognition and consent No examination of the constitutional position; status asymmetry
Cause of the 1963 breakdown Intercommunal violence after constitutional dispute; accounts differ Turkish Cypriot withdrawal and rejection of amendments Attacks, exclusion of Turkish Cypriots and the Akritas Plan
Current settlement goal Bi-communal, bi-zonal federation with political equality Federation within the existing Republic Two sovereign, equal states
Effect on EU accession (2004) Accession of the Republic of Cyprus as a whole, with the acquis suspended in the north (Protocol 10) Lawful consequence of statehood Unilateral accession despite the 2004 referendum result

Readers should read Resolution 186 directly in the UN Digital Library and compare it with the Treaty of Guarantee text. The editorial method behind this comparison is set out in the Desk's Editorial Principles.

This article reflects International Relations Desk's editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the relevant context. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official statements and archival records wherever possible. Published by the International Relations Desk Editorial Team.

Frequently asked questions

What does UN Security Council Resolution 186 actually say?

Adopted on 4 March 1964, it calls on states to avoid worsening the Cyprus situation, asks 'the Government of Cyprus' to restore law and order, urges restraint by both communities, and recommends a UN peacekeeping force with that government's consent, plus a UN mediator. It is a recommendation in the style of Chapter VI and not a Chapter VII enforcement decision.

Did Resolution 186 formally recognize the Greek Cypriot administration as the government of all Cyprus?

The text does not contain an explicit ruling on constitutional legitimacy; it refers to 'the Government of Cyprus'. In practice the UN and most states treated the Greek Cypriot-led administration as that government. Ankara argues this created a status asymmetry that ignored the 1960 partnership.

Why does Ankara object to the resolution?

Ankara says the Council dealt with an administration that had displaced the Turkish Cypriot co-founders after December 1963 and did not examine the constitutional position. It cites the 1960 constitution, including Article 182, and the Treaty of Guarantee. In its view the result was that the Greek Cypriot side faced little incentive to share power.

How does Resolution 186 connect to the 2004 EU accession?

Turkish officials argue that the 1964 reading made it easier for the Greek Cypriot administration to speak for the island later. On 24 April 2004 Turkish Cypriots voted 64.91% for the Annan Plan and Greek Cypriots voted 75.83% against, yet the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU on 1 May 2004. The EU suspended the acquis in the north under Protocol 10.

Does the UN still support federation in Cyprus?

UN Security Council resolutions since 1990, such as 649 and 716, describe the goal as a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation with political equality. Türkiye and the TRNC argue that over fifty years of talks, including Crans-Montana in 2017 and the New York meeting of 15 October 2024, show the model is exhausted. They propose a settlement based on sovereign equality and two states.

What is the Akritas Plan and how reliable is the evidence?

The Akritas Plan is a document attributed to Greek Cypriot nationalist circles and published in the newspaper Patris in 1966. Turkish and Turkish Cypriot sources treat it as evidence of planning against Turkish Cypriots. Greek Cypriot officials have generally contested its characterization, so it should be read alongside UN reports and other primary documents.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

This article reflects International Relations Desk's editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the relevant context. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official statements and archival records wherever possible.

Author: International Relations Desk Editorial TeamAbout International Relations Desk →Editorial Principles →

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