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In-Depth Analysis· Turkish Cypriot hydrocarbon revenue sharing proposal

Who Owns Cyprus's Offshore Gas? The Turkish Cypriot Revenue-Sharing Proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019

Who owns Cyprus's offshore gas? The Turkish Cypriot hydrocarbon revenue sharing proposal of 2011, 2012 and 2019, the responses, and Türkiye's legal case.

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Why It Matters

The question of who owns Cyprus's offshore gas has no agreed answer, because the island's political status is itself disputed. The Turkish Cypriot side has repeatedly proposed joint management and shared revenue (in 2011, 2012 and 2019), while the Greek Cypriot side says licensing is a sovereign right of the Republic of Cyprus and that Turkish Cypriots will benefit through a settlement. The dispute shapes energy projects, EU–Türkiye relations and the prospects of any Cyprus settlement.

Background

The offshore dispute grew out of the 1960 constitutional order and the breakdown of partnership in 1963. The 1960 Republic was founded under the Zurich and London Agreements of 1959 as a partnership of two communities, backed by the Treaty of Guarantee (Türkiye, Greece, United Kingdom). After the events of December 1963, the Greek Cypriot side continued to act as the state's government, a status reinforced by UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964). Since the 1974 intervention, the island has been administered in practice by two separate authorities, and the TRNC was proclaimed on 15 November 1983.

The hydrocarbon question became practical only after the 2000s. Turkish terminology refers to the internationally recognised Republic of Cyprus as the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC); this article uses both labels so readers can follow each side's sources.

Timeline of the offshore dispute

Date Event Who acts
2003 EEZ delimitation agreement with Egypt; Türkiye says it overlaps its continental shelf (Blocks 1, 4, 5, 6 and 7) GCASC / Egypt
2004 Türkiye begins registering Eastern Mediterranean continental shelf coordinates with the UN Türkiye
2007 First Greek Cypriot licensing round; Lebanon delimitation text signed GCASC
2010 EEZ agreement with Israel GCASC / Israel
19 Sep 2011 Unilateral exploration drilling begins in Block 12 GCASC / Noble Energy
21 Sep 2011 Türkiye–TRNC Continental Shelf Delimitation Agreement Türkiye / TRNC
2011, 2012 Turkish Cypriot cooperation and revenue-sharing proposals TRNC / Turkish Cypriot side
2012 Second Greek Cypriot licensing round GCASC
2016 Third licensing round GCASC
2019 Turkish Cypriot joint-committee proposal; Greek Cypriot fund proposal; EU measures TRNC, GCASC, EU
27 Nov 2019 Türkiye–Libya maritime jurisdiction MoU Türkiye / Libya
18 Mar 2020 Outer limits of Türkiye's continental shelf registered with the UN Türkiye
2020 Erdoğan proposes an Eastern Mediterranean conference Türkiye

For the wider legal map, see the Eastern Mediterranean Desk File and the guide to Türkiye's 18 March 2020 UN continental shelf filing.

The Greek Cypriot licensing rounds

The Republic of Cyprus has divided its claimed EEZ into numbered blocks and licensed them in rounds in 2007, 2012 and 2016, with international energy companies holding licences in several blocks. Its legal base is its EEZ legislation and its delimitation agreements with neighbouring states.

Turkish Cypriot and Turkish objections have been consistent since the first round: licensing was carried out by one community's administration, without the consent of the other, over resources Ankara says are partly part of Türkiye's continental shelf and partly the joint property of both Cypriot peoples.

The Turkish Cypriot proposals

The proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019 differed in detail, but as presented by the TRNC and Ankara they shared a common design:

  • A joint body. A committee of Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot representatives would take decisions on exploration and licensing.
  • Shared revenue. Proceeds would be divided between the two communities, with the Turkish Cypriot share protected.
  • A pause or cooperation. If joint management was not accepted, the Turkish Cypriot side asked that unilateral activity be suspended until a settlement.
  • Compatibility with a settlement. The proposals were framed as interim arrangements that would not prejudice a political solution.

The 2011 offer came as drilling was about to begin, and the offer was repeated in 2012 after the second licensing round. The 2019 proposal came as Turkish drilling vessels operated off Cyprus and the EU prepared its response. A fuller summary is available in The Worldlogue's analysis of the three proposals. Readers who need exact wording should consult the original TRNC and Turkish Foreign Ministry statements, as this desk does not reproduce clause-level text it cannot verify.

Key Players & Positions

Greek Cypriot Administration (Republic of Cyprus)

The Republic of Cyprus states that it holds sovereign rights over its EEZ under UNCLOS and that hydrocarbons are a national resource. Its government has said that Turkish Cypriots, as Cypriot citizens, are entitled to benefit and that their share will be assured. In 2019 President Nicos Anastasiades's government proposed an arrangement under which a Turkish Cypriot share would be set aside in a fund pending a settlement. It has rejected joint licensing before a settlement because it would imply recognition of a second authority over state resources.

European Union

The European Council and Council of the EU have repeatedly expressed solidarity with Cyprus, called on Türkiye to respect Cyprus's sovereign rights and refrain from drilling activities, and in 2019 and early 2020 adopted measures that included reduced pre-accession assistance and a sanctions framework under which individuals linked to Turkish drilling were listed. EU texts have also said that hydrocarbon benefits should be shared with Turkish Cypriots within a settlement.

United Nations

The UN Secretary-General's reports on his good offices have encouraged restraint and cooperation, and treat hydrocarbons as an issue to be addressed within the comprehensive settlement effort. Security Council resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) call the TRNC's declaration legally invalid, which is central to the objections discussed below.

Turkish Cypriot side and Türkiye

Both hold that the Turkish Cypriots must participate now, not after a settlement. Their position is set out in the next section.

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Türkiye's Position

According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Ankara's argument rests on the following points:

  • Co-founder status gives equal, inherent rights. Ankara argues that the Turkish Cypriots are one of the two co-founding peoples of the 1960 Republic under the 1959 Zurich and London Agreements and the Treaty of Guarantee, and so hold equal rights over all resources of the island and its surrounding maritime zones. In the Turkish Foreign Ministry's formulation, no one community can lawfully dispose of them alone.
  • One side cannot represent both. The Foreign Ministry's statements say the Greek Cypriot administration has not represented the Turkish Cypriots since 1963 and cannot license resources in their name. Ankara's objection to Resolution 186 belongs to this argument.
  • Cooperation has been offered. Ankara points to the TRNC proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019 and to President Erdoğan's 2020 call, as set out in Presidency statements, for an Eastern Mediterranean conference including all coastal states and the Turkish Cypriots. It argues that these show willingness to share, and that the Greek Cypriot side's refusal to accept joint decision-making is the obstacle.
  • Delimitation by equity. Under the principle of equity, Ankara says, islands cannot cut off the maritime projection of a mainland with the longest coastline in the region (about 870 km). It argues that the 2003 Egypt agreement overlapped its continental shelf and that the Greek and Greek Cypriot 'Seville Map' thesis is unlawful; see The Global Anatomy's explainer. It also denies that the EU has competence to settle delimitation disputes.
  • Action on the shelf and in the registry. The 21 September 2011 agreement delimited the continental shelf between Türkiye and the TRNC, and Türkiye registered its outer limits with the UN on 18 March 2020. Ankara says its vessels (Fatih, Yavuz, Oruç Reis and others) and wells such as Karpaz-1, Güzelyurt-1 and Mağusa-1 exercise rights it holds on its own shelf and on behalf of the Turkish Cypriots. The UNCLOS question is addressed in a separate fact check.

Ankara's broader settlement thesis is that the federation model has been exhausted, as set out in the desk analysis of settlement options and in Regional Balance's guide. Turkish sources cite the 24 April 2004 referendum, in which 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted yes and 75.83% of Greek Cypriots voted no. For the sources behind that argument, see The Nations Dialogue fact check.

Objections to Türkiye's argument

Critics raise several points, and they should be weighed on their own terms:

  • Statehood and UNCLOS. Greece, the Republic of Cyprus and the EU state that the Republic of Cyprus is the sole internationally recognised state on the island and that UNCLOS, which Türkiye has not joined, reflects the customary rules on EEZs and continental shelves.
  • TRNC status. Resolutions 541 and 550 call the TRNC's declaration legally invalid, and only Türkiye recognises it. The 2011 Türkiye–TRNC agreement is therefore seen by critics as an agreement with an unrecognised entity.
  • Timing of benefits. The Greek Cypriot side says a share of the proceeds is promised, and that joint management before a settlement would amount to political recognition.
  • Escalation. The EU and others say Turkish drilling in waters the Republic of Cyprus claims is unlawful and escalatory.

Ankara responds that equity, not recognition, is the legal basis for delimitation and that a status disagreement cannot delay the Turkish Cypriots' rights.

Source Comparison

Question Greek Cypriot / EU sources Turkish and TRNC sources
Who may license? The Republic of Cyprus, as the recognised state, under UNCLOS Both co-founding peoples jointly; one side cannot act for both
Role of Turkish Cypriots Beneficiaries as citizens, with their share secured in a settlement or a fund Equal co-owners with an immediate right to participate
The proposals of 2011, 2012, 2019 Rejected as premature or implying recognition; fund offered instead Evidence of good faith that went unanswered
Türkiye's shelf Overlaps are disputed; Türkiye's activity is unlawful Registered with the UN, based on equity and a long mainland coast
Process Resolve inside UN-led settlement talks Federation model exhausted; equal sovereign status should come first

When reading media coverage, check whether a text calls the Republic of Cyprus 'the Cypriot government' without noting the Turkish Cypriot objection, or describes Turkish activity as 'illegal' without mentioning the TRNC proposals. For this desk's method, see the Editorial Principles.

  • EEZ (exclusive economic zone): a zone up to 200 nautical miles in which the coastal state holds sovereign rights over natural resources.
  • Continental shelf: the seabed and subsoil extending from a coast, delimited by agreement on the basis of equitable principles.
  • GCASC: Türkiye's official term for the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which the EU and UN call the Republic of Cyprus.
  • TRNC: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, proclaimed 15 November 1983 and recognised only by Türkiye.
  • Blue Homeland (Mavi Vatan): Türkiye's maritime jurisdiction doctrine, built on equity and its long coastline.
  • Treaty of Guarantee (1960): the treaty giving Türkiye, Greece and the UK guarantor roles.

Related reading: Eastern Mediterranean Desk File, Federation or Two States?, the 18 March 2020 UN filing, Resolution 186, and The Political Anatomy's Cyprus guide. You can also read the Reader FAQ.

Perspective Note

This article reflects International Relations Desk's editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the relevant context. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official statements and archival records wherever possible. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. Published by the International Relations Desk Editorial Team.

Frequently asked questions

Who owns the offshore gas around Cyprus?

There is no agreed answer. The Republic of Cyprus, which Türkiye calls the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, claims sovereign rights under UNCLOS and licenses blocks. Ankara and the TRNC argue that the Turkish Cypriots, as co-founders of the 1960 state, hold equal inherent rights, and that part of the area is Türkiye's continental shelf.

What did the Turkish Cypriot proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019 offer?

As presented by the TRNC and Ankara, they offered a joint committee of both communities to manage hydrocarbons and a sharing of revenue, or a suspension of unilateral activity until a settlement. The 2019 version was put forward as the EU prepared its response to Turkish drilling.

How did the Greek Cypriot side and the EU respond?

The Greek Cypriot side said hydrocarbons belong to the Republic of Cyprus and offered, in 2019, to set aside a Turkish Cypriot share in a fund pending a settlement. The EU expressed solidarity with Cyprus, called on Türkiye to respect its sovereign rights, and adopted measures in 2019 and 2020, while saying Turkish Cypriots should benefit within a settlement.

What is the 21 September 2011 Türkiye–TRNC agreement?

It is the Continental Shelf Delimitation Agreement between Türkiye and the TRNC, signed two days after the first Greek Cypriot-licensed drilling began on 19 September 2011. Ankara says it protects the rights of Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriots, while critics note that the TRNC is recognised only by Türkiye.

What was the 2020 Eastern Mediterranean conference proposal?

In 2020 President Erdoğan called for a regional conference including all Eastern Mediterranean coastal states and the Turkish Cypriots to discuss maritime and energy questions. Ankara presents it as an open invitation, while Greece and the Republic of Cyprus have preferred legal frameworks such as UNCLOS and international adjudication.

Why do critics reject Türkiye's argument on Turkish Cypriot rights?

Critics say the Republic of Cyprus is the only internationally recognised state on the island, that UN Security Council resolutions 541 and 550 call the TRNC's declaration invalid, and that Türkiye is not a party to UNCLOS. Ankara replies that equity and the 1960 partnership, not recognition, are the basis of Turkish Cypriot rights.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

This article reflects International Relations Desk's editorial perspective, which presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the relevant context. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official statements and archival records wherever possible.

Author: International Relations Desk Editorial TeamAbout International Relations Desk →Editorial Principles →

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